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<img loading="lazy" src="https://cdn.kahimyang.com/resources/1986-snap-election-sham-sm.webp" alt="1986 snap election" />
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According to well-placed sources in the U. S. intelligence community opposed to the State Department's policy toward the Philippines, $30 million in covert funds was supplied to the Philippine opposition to help finance its presidential campaign. This $30 million was laundered through Hong Kong, where the money was converted into the Philippine peso at the black market rate of 20 pesos to the dollar.


Philippine sources reported to EIR (Economic Intelligence Review) that the money had been in part funneled into the CIA-controlled citizens election watch group, called NAMFREL, the National Movement for a Free Election, which was originally created in 1953 in order to bring Ramon Magsaysay into power. NAMFREL was central in the State Department's policy of intervening into the Philippines election.


The basis for the decision leading to the mass infusion of cash to Marcos' opponents was established prior to the Christmas holidays (of 1985), when the National Security Council (NSC) met to discuss what the U. S. policy would be toward the Marcos government during the election campaign. The NSC issued a policy-guidance memorandum aimed at defining the goals of the United States. These goals must be aimed at ensuring a "free and fair election" in the Philippines. Under this vague statement of so-called principles, members of the House and Senate Foreign Affairs Committee sent a U.S. delegation to the Philippines to determine whether the mechanism for fair elections were established.

Heading this delegation was a former director of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Allen Weinstein. The NED was a national security project set up in the first Reagan administration to finance "democratic insurgent movements" around the world against "communism". One of its first operations was "Project Democracy", in which Weinstein was a key participant. "Project Democracy" has served as an arm of State Department policy of destabilizing U.S. allies.


Since his departure from government, Weinstein has moved over to an institution called the Center for Democracy in Boston, Massachusetts where left-wing radical and liberal elements in the Democratic Party have gathered to promote destabilizations of pro US governments around the world. Important in this regard is the fact that Weinstein has been associated with the leading left-wing think tank in Washington, D.C., called the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS). At present (January 1986), IPS was supporting the communist front organization in the Philippines, the National Democratic Front (NDF). The NDF, in turn, was supporting the Aquino-Laurel ticket.


Another key goal in the NSC and State Department's strategy, should defeating Marcos prove impossible, as seems likely to be ,the case, is to at least build up a more vigorous opposition to Marcos. Despite the U.S. media's attempt to portray the opposition as gaining momentum and building up mass support, U.S. intelligence believed that at best the opposition could muster about 35-40% of the vote. Given the fact that most of the support for the opposition was centered in Metro Manila, which only comprises about 20% of the vote, the opposition must gain some momentum in the countryside in order to have even a remote chance at an election victory. Therefore, all efforts from the State Department are aimed at establishing an institutionalized opposition to be used after the election against President Marcos.


The anticipation of a Marcos' election victory was driving the State Department and the anti-Marcos faction of the CIA into a frenzy of activity, featuring straight "black propaganda" about the election. The San Jose Mercury News (San Jose, CA), a known conduit for the relevant circles, "leaked" a report from an alleged member of Marcos's inner circle which stated that Marcos was in danger of losing the election. The point of the article, albeit unstated, was that Marcos would have to resort to election fraud in order to win.


This propaganda line will become the recurring theme planted in the U.S. press prior to the election, in order to, after Marcos victory, prevent the needed military aid from being released to the Philippines to combat the narco-terrorism of communist-backed guerrillas.


At that time, there was no alternative thinking to the State Department's operation, within the White House. Although President Reagan believed that the United States' best ally in Southeast Asia is President Marcos, Reagan is not about to stop the State Department's treasonous policy drive. This reality has forced some voices to emerge against the official U.S. policy, but they are essentially muted ones at best.


As for Marcos, he may be forced into the position of openly attacking the State Department, and painting the opposition as simply its puppets, in order to drive some reality home to the White House. In any case, Marcos will win the election-unless he is killed (we know what happened).



Sources: 
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Marcos runs against the State Department, Paul Goldstein, Economic Intelligence Review, Volume 13, Number 2, January 10, 1986 (http://goo.gl/fBuooV)
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Photo credit: Official Gazette of Philippine President (http://www.gov.ph/)
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</ol>

Marcos run against the US State Department in the 1986 Snap election