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<img loading="lazy" src="https://cdn.kahimyang.com/resources-8/sin-ramos-enrile.webp" alt="Enrile, Ramos, Cardinal Sin and Cory Aquino" />
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(From left to right: Juan Ponce Enrile, Cardinal Sin, Fidel Ramos, and (inset) Cory Aquino)
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The center of controversy was Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, who issued a challenge to the Aquino government on October 16, 1986 and refused to attend cabinet meetings. On the other side, the "human rights mafia" lawyers who were Aquino's closest advisers in Malacanang Palace had repeatedly demanded Enrile' s ouster from the government, if he refuses to abide by Aquino's policy of appeasement at all costs toward the insurgent New People's Army (NPA). Then, on October 21, Aquino and Enrile emerged from a half-hour meeting to announce that they had mended the divisions between them. Aquino said: 
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"There is no falling out between Minister Enrile and myself. We are not stupid."
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The future of the Philippines depended upon immediately bringing stability to the government, and permitting the country to deal with the NPA insurgency and an economy ravaged by three years of International Monetary Fund austerity. If the Aquino government folds, with the military likely fracturing into warring factions as a result, then this ally of the United States will face disintegration and a likely takeover by the New People's Army.
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But the coalition government that the United States sponsored to replace Marcos was inherently unstable. Enrile placed five demands before Aquino during their October 21 meeting: 
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The scrapping of the Constitution recently drafted by the Constitutional Commission, which calls for the Philippines to become a non-nuclear zone; 
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The holding of national elections (the new Constitution would keep Aquino in power for six years before new elections are held);
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The removal of undesirable and unpopular local leaders placed in power by fiat after the February coup;
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The adoption of a clear-cut policy for solving the NPA insurgency, including the setting of a short deadline for a cease fire;
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The firing of eight ministers on grounds of corruption and pro-NPA sympathies. The names of the eight have not been made public.
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Aquino agreed to put a deadline on a cease fire with the NPA, which, if not met, would result in presidential orders to the military for a full-scale assault on the NPA. Aquino also agreed to replace "absentee or incompetent" local officials.
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Demanding Enrile's head have been Local Government Minister Aquilino Pimentel, Justice Minister Neptali Gonzales, and Agrarian Reform Minister Heherson Alvarez. In addition, the demand for Enrile's removal is coming from Bandila, Nation United in Spirit and Purpose, a radical umbrella organization whose leader is Aquino's brother-in-law and adviser Agapito "Butz" Aquino. 
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This grouping and the assistants to the President such as Joker Arroyo, constitute the pro-NPA "human rights mafia" that is now in control of Malacanang Palace, with the backing of the Philippines' landed oligarchy and the Theology of Liberation-dominated Philippines Catholic Church. The popular base of this grouping is the New People's Army.
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<h3>
Open conftict
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Thus, it is no surprise that within 5 days of the October 21 truce between Enrile and Aquino, the crisis flared anew with greater intensity. Enrile addressed a rally of 20,000 Marcos supporters October 26 at Luneta Park.  The demonstrators shouted:
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 "Marcos-Enrile!" "Down with Cory, Down with Cory!"  
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Enrile's speech was an explicit challenge to the Aquino government: 
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"What is needed to eradicate communism? First we must have a stable, honest, and clean government; a government beyond suspicion; a government that is not affected by corruption. The communists are ambushing our soldiers, killing civilians, extorting from the people, terrorizing the people. In the past, those people were in the mountains ... Now they are in the urban centers ... In the coming days, you might hear loud explosions ..., but I want to tell you, if you will come join us, you can rest assured that our Philippines will not become a communist country."
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Three days later, Vice-President Salvador Laurel placed himself in direct opposition to Aquino, stating that the Filipino people should be permitted to vote immediately whether they want Aquino to stay in power, or whether new national elections should be held. Laurel, who previously put himself forward as a mediator between Enrile and Aquino, further said that it was an open question whether his own United Nationalist Democratic Party would oppose or approve the
proposed constitution. 
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Aquino is also rallying her own forces. Aquino spokesman Teodoro Benigno reminded Enrile:
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"One big advantage she has, which has to considered very, very significantly, is that she has the complete and unqualified support of the US government."
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The US brought her to power with an   orchestrated coup in February 1986. 
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From Washington, State Department spokesman Charles Redman backed up Benigno's claim, telling the press corps:
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 "We are strongly of the view that the Aquino government offers the best hope of carrying a reform strategy which will result in a stable democratic and prosperous Philippines. "
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And according to the Washington Post October 30, President Reagan sent a message to Enrile through "private communications" to cease and desist.
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Armed Forces Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos, who is considered the "US man",  appears to be using his power to maintain the government. "We stand squarely in the middle," Ramos told the press, referring to the New Armed Forces of the Philippines. 
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"I am not part of the conflict. I have never seen myself in conflict. I am in the middle and I see my role very clearly. Maybe he [Enrile] has control over a small part [of the army] that is directly with him, but as far as I am concerned, I am responsible for the armed forces."
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But Aquino's backers do not pretend to rely only upon the military. For weeks, reports have circulated that Jose Cojuanco Jr., Aquino's powerful brother, has been building a "yellow army" whose allegiance is to Aquino and which would be used if necessary to thwart a military coup. The "anti-coup" army was trained at the Cojuanco sugar estate in Tarlac by Israeli advisers and is armed with Israeli made Galil rifles, Uzi machine pistols, .45 calibre pistols, and assorted 9 mm assault hardware, according to the October 16 Manila Business Day. 
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The "yellow army" is but one of a number of private, regional armies emerging in the country under the sway of political warlords, including four separatist and warring Muslim factions in Mindanao, the country's most resource rich province. What is guaranteed, if the center does not hold, is the disintegration of the country into regional wars between fiefdoms, or full power taken by the New People's Army.
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The latter option was apparently the concept of Cardinal Jaime Sin, whose Veritas commnunications network, working in conjunction with the US State Department and the "bankers' CIA", deposed Ferdinand Marcos. From New Delhi, where he attended a convention of Roman Catholic journalists, Sin defended his 1985 campaign to bring down Marcos, and described the current power struggle in Manila as "beautiful".  Sin promised that the insurgency problem will be over
"very soon",  and the rebels would come down from the hills. This is not a prediction, but more likely a signal that Sin views the conditions in Manila ripening for the NPA protectors and sympathizers in the Aquino cabinet to prevail. Then the rebels will come down from the hills ... to enjoy full power in Manila. 
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<strong>Sources</strong>: 
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Philippines' new leadership locked in power struggle, Volume 13, Number 44, November 7, 1986, Linda de Hoyos, Executive Intelligence Review
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(We are unable to grant permission for any kind of reproduction of this article other than social media shares.  Please visit the source listed above for more information.)
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Enrile's challenge to the Aquino government: The power struggle Cardinal Sin called "beautiful"